first published as
Reid, M. (1995) Toward a Mapping of Cyberspace, in Critical Mass 1(1). http://www.peak.sfu.ca/cmass/issue1/morg-main.html (offline, contact author: morgan.reid(a_t)ubc.ca)
Abstract:
Toward a Mapping of Cyberspace was written as a study of this new aspect of society from a human geographic perspective. It explores some economic, political, and social aspects of this expanding space of production, identity, and activity. The article is concerned with the need for geographers to develop a spatial literacy of the virtual, yet very real world of computer networks.
Introduction
“The newer architecture . . . stands as something like an imperative to grow new organs, to expand our sensorium and our body to some new, as yet unimaginable, perhaps ultimately impossible, dimensions”
Fredric Jameson
Geography has for years studied the shapes and forms of our physical and social worlds. Human action in the built environment has been an increasingly important object of study in recent times. Today, some geographers are working in realms beyond the ready grasp of traditional analyses.
Geography has enfolded parts of other fields (geology, history, economics, and critical theory to name a few). Geographical theories based in Marxism have questioned the traditional political representations of landscapes. Systems theory has attempted to write geography in the language of Euclidean and Cartesian geometry. Poststructuralism, postcolonialism, deconstruction, and feminisms have problematized and productively challenged the authoritative stance of Western geographical studies. These evolutions have in turn sent geographers to study ever more “new spaces”.
Remote sensing and geographical information systems have provided us with more detailed descriptive maps than ever before. But today, rather than being completely informed and complacent, we face no shortage of challenge, for the more we learn, the more we study and apprehend the vast complexity of our world, the less we actually can claim to know for sure, especially about the meanings of socially produced spatial objects.
The new realm of “Cyberspace” is the interest of this essay. Cyberspace is a new word, perhaps even a new world. It is, I propose, an important, contemporary, socially produced spatial phenomenon, one of the “new architectures” in Jameson ‘s terms. What I want to present here is a limited set of views on the character and history of this new space, how it is deployed physically and interactively by and with human action, and finally a provisional synthesis toward a social understanding of cyberspace through geographical analysis.
A definitive description of cyberspace is out of the question, and contrary to its nature. Rather than offer a simple, useless sound byte to the effect of “cyberspace is . . . “, this section outlines some of the more readily grasped empirical and historical aspects of cyberspace. Following this, we move into a more speculative questioning of what cyberspace might be, integrating a variety of perspectives. Finally, a possible mapping of the networks is suggested (1) .
What is Cyberspace?
If this essay presents one essential piece of “cyberspace is . . . “, I would like it to be this: Cyberspace is an extremely active new realm of political, economic, and cultural power.
This exploration takes us across a great range of scales, from the sub-atomic nanosecond event to the global longwave in cultural evolution. We begin at the macro-scale of history.
History and General Background
In 1969, the United States Department of Defence began the Internet with an initiative to establish a reliable communications network linking the state-military, academic, and military-industrial communities. Institutions were connected via telecommunications links ‘the hardware’ and a standardized software protocol that allowed computers to exchange information with one another. During the 1980′s, academic and research networks evolved in many countries around the world. Canada’s first internationally linked national network was CA*net, comprised of connections of smaller networks. Canada’s early networks used a different protocol than did the US system, but connectivity is a prime goal on the networks, so adaptations were made. In strange resemblance to fordism, this definitely postfordist information industry relies on standardization for its exponential growth. The World Wide Web is another network using a different protocol, called html. All the nets, many using these US-originated standard protocols, TCP/IP and http, presently connect an estimated twenty to forty million users worldwide (Carroll, Broadhead, 1995).
The inevitable question “Who now controls cyberspace?” is difficult to address adequately. Suffice it to say that the local sites are controlled by the authority of that site (for example, Computing Services at Simon Fraser University). The interconnection among specific sites is regulated to an extent by the regional authorities (BCnet, CA*net for SFU). Large inter-network connection, such as through the Internet, is overseen by the Internet Engineering Task Force, the Internet Society, and the Internet Architecture Board. These are all composite organizations, made up of representatives of lower level authorities as well as individual users. The content of these networks is controlled by the local authorities’ Acceptable Use Protocols to a certain extent, but any site with Internet access can operate in any way it sees fit. Thus, the networks are controlled, and also simultaneously somewhat anarchic (Carroll, Broadhead, 1995: 54-56).
One of the most persistent issues regarding the Internet has been commercialization. Internet cultural custom and administrative directives generally forbid the use of the networks for commercial purposes, but these customs and directives allow a great deal of commercial activity nonetheless (Carroll, Broadhead, 1995). Access to the Internet is in itself a marketable commodity, as is specialized access to specific services. Advertising is controlled and contained, no doubt leaving some sellers suffering paroxysms of frustration as they see the target-marketing potential of the networks go to waste. Conversely, economic opportunity is intrinsic to the nature of cyberspace, since software-based commodities represent the ultimate in flexibly specialized production. We will return later to economic production and consumption in cyberspace.
Parallel to the official developments of the Internet, World Wide Web, and other networks there have evolved more vernacular uses of network information systems. Police, banking, telephone, and other networks overlay and interconnect with these major webs of connectivity. These are readily recognizable as occurring on both personal and national/global scales simultaneously. Day to day life routinely involves interacting with Automated Teller Machines (ATMs), credit card databases, computerized inventories in grocery stores, and occasionally with a centralized, national and international police database that can be accessed from any police radio or mobile cruiser’s on-board computer. While these ntewroks remain for the most part separate, future interconnectivity is reasonable to expect.
Regulation is another related issue, increasingly important as the power of connectivity is both deployed over its domains and dispersed among its users. Within, alongside, and at times in antagonistic opposition to the authorities on the nets there have evolved a range of cultures, often referred to as stereotypical nerds, silicon yuppies, and hackers. Security in such a complex system can mean simply safe operation to some, horrifying panoptic social control to others. Some authors have explored these cultures as fictions (Gibson, 1984), others have looked at these new spaces of identity by way of sociological and ethnographic study (Rushkoff, 1994). The subjects of identity, power, and regulation are discussed in a later section.
A physical description of the elements and components of cyberspace is a useful grounding here. Later, in the final section of this paper, the inadequacy of these physical conceptions leads us toward conceptual mappings of cyberspace, t oward a provisional synthesis of a geography of this new and indeterminate realm.
Chaos Theory: a conceptual framework
Rather than launching into obscure descriptions of CPU’s and ethernet cables, I would like to offer a conceptual framework, drawn from chaos theory, for understanding the hierarchical architecture of cyberspace. Following this conceptual framing, an example case studywill be described in general terms, across the range of scales mentioned earlier. This will provide a material understanding, a sort of physical and system geography, of a portion of cyberspace.
Instead of the mathematical formulas of chaos theory, it is the images of chaos math fractal geometries that illustrate a possible geography of cyberspace. A brief mention of three premises of chaos theory is worthwhile. First, chaos deals with systems of huge complexity, representing relationships between millions of elements at least. Second, mathematical relationships and structures are the software guiding the chaotic expressions. Third, feedback loops are central to chaos and fractal geometry. These are systems whose expression influences their expression. The fractal images are drawn by computers that have been set to visually display the results of an equation whose output is fed back into itself over and over again. In contrast to Euclidean and Cartesian geometries that occur on a single scale, fractal images repeat patterns, apparently infinitely, up and down the ranges of magnification applied to computer images. A snowflake-like pattern, the Koch curve, mathematically generated, shows a geometrical design somewhat like a systems map, of points and connections. There are hierarchies. Successively magnifying the jagged edge pattern of the Mandelbrot set one million times shows that the equation produces jagged edges on the jagged edges of jagged edges, ad infinitum ( Gleick , 1987). The following pages illustrate this effect on two types of chaotic sets. This visual metaphor is very useful to conceptualizing cyberspace geography.
Koch Curve (from Gleick , 1987)Mandelbrot set, a fractal analogue of cyberspace connectivity. The same Mandelbrot set, magnified one million times. (Mandelbrot images from Gleick , 1987)
The number of elements in a cyberspace system is far more than could possibly be represented by a conventional single-scale mapping. Electrons are the basic elements under deliberate control in computer networks. Routed along micro pathways in tiny chips, they are packaged into pieces of information, then organized over and over into ever larger packages, using packages of informationthere is no clear central economic place in cyberspace, it being everywhere and nowhere.
There are, however, economic places of sorts on the networks, selling both things and selling places. An ideal subject for Rob Shields and Michael Sorkin to confer on would be the Downtown Anywhere Web site. One of the Virtual shopping malls, it features a simulated financial district, simulated malls, shops, and services, and clickable libraries, museums and travel agencies, all in two dimensions, with connections to actual products and services (Ziff Davis, 1995).
The most futuristic and perhaps intimidating prospects for network economies are the recent developments in credit card cryptography. Claimed by their writers to be of airtight security, encryption programmes will enable network users to make purchases directly over the networks. Skepticism abounds on encryption, however, since there is a general rule on the networks to assume your files are not secure. It is here we move across conceptual boundaries into a different view of cyberspace: we enter the ambiguous, the permeable, risky, powerful, yet dangerous territory of cyberculture.
Cyberculture: Hackers, Security, and the drive to surf
A good deal of network use is routine, everyday communication. The e-mail links and Bulletin Boards and newsgroups in cyberspace are a forum for social activity, and often used as much for entertainment as for anything more utilitarian. It should be emphasized that, while network information content ranges from the sexually strange to the seriously technical, the majority of users are middle class, “average” people.
However, the hackers are especially interesting. Advertisers might grudgingly follow the rules of the Internet and comply with informal standars and formal, local acceptable use protocols; hackers do not. Against the economic and authoritarian rationale of order and control, hackers produce everything from minor challenges to local network security operators to major nationwide crashes of corporate networks (Sterling, 1992). They are the outlaws and pioneers of the spaces of cyberculture. It is here at the boundary between ideologies that we meet the more colourful citizens of cyberspace.
Hacking in a general sense is much older than computer networks. Levy (1984) reminisces about “hacking” explosives, making bombs for fun, and Rushkoff (1994) interviews a biochemistry hacker specializing in hallucinogens, an old tradition in the Southern California area. But in 1984 William Gibson (who coined the term cyberspace) wrote Neuromancer, a novel about cyberculture. In this and others’ works are characters whose mindsets reflect intimate acquaintance with the absurdities of computer connectivity. Aware of the “intermittencies” that can completely, unpredictably crash any chaotic non-linear system, they live according to the rules of the eternal present. Many of the fictional characters inhabit “real” life as well, but there are those whose lives are entirely concerned with “jacking in” to the datasphere. Among these are sophisticated, dedicated hackers who lay waste to any systems into which they can break. And while these are fictional characters, the fictional world, “real” culture, and the real-life hacker mindset are interconnected by a value system that appears to valorize risk, undermining authority for fun, and paradox (Rushkoff, 1994).
Absurd, arbitrary, hypocritical panoptic authority, any cyberspace authority, is the enemy of the hacker. Against the “forces of ‘power’ [that] have developed . . . networks with which they hope to control, manipulate, or at least capitalize on the behaviours and desires of the population” the hackers rebel. In a life conceived by the hacker as analogous to surfing cyberspace against the rules, the joy, the rush of the present is the only coping skill left. Surfing the chaotic sea of waves denies the cartographers grid of power in a personally freeing way. The rules are arbitrary. Ignore them if you choose (Rushkoff, 1994: 204-206). But the experience of connecting to cyberspace is often as numbing as it is exhilarating, and with the freedom from anxiety can come a loss of emotional involvement, of passion to create a better alternative ( Jameson , 1984: 64). Ignoring or breaking the rules does not constitute social praxis. In effect, the hackers keep the authorities up to date, on their keyboards, and creatively reinforcing their mechanisms of security, control, and proprietary power (Sterling, 1992).
The grid of power is a recurring theme in postmodernism, and the clear concern of this section. Power exists not especially in the networks themselves, but in the control of the information they handle. Jameson (1984: 57) points to the “new wave of American military and economic domination throughout the world”. Martin (1981) discusses common concern about a global authority deployed through Orwellian computerized surveillance. In more concrete terms, there is no technological barrier against such power structures, and in fact a number of chillingly personal systems of surveillance are already in use, though not nearly as complete as those suggested by the images of 1984. For example, the London Tube sells farecards encoded with a personalized identity code. While an individual possessing such a card is at most times under no surveillance, upon his or her passing through the turnstile the transit authority is able to record and monitor the passenger’s trip. Similarly, credit card transactions generate lists of customers which are sorted and sold to marketing companies. These aspects of the networks fall into the subject area of power rather than economic activitybecause of the personal nature of the transaction-generated information they produce. These subnetworks are not presently connected to general global networks, but the trend has historically been toward increased connectivity. Consequently, conspiracy theory paranoia may become as much normal, adaptive part of everyday economic activity as it routinely informs cyberspace life.
Reading and thinking a geography of Cyberspace
Cyberspace, we should recall, exists in the minds of people. It is to a large extent beyond our present sensory abilities to perceive. For these reasons I would like to emphasize how important it is to acknowledge the need for an understanding of the deployment of power in cyberspace. A way of understanding these relations of power is available, I would suggest, following Foucault, through geography. Foucault writes” . . . the formations of discourses and the genealogy of knowledge need to be analysed . . . in terms of tactics and strategies of power . . . deployed through implantations, distributions, demarcations, control of territories and organizations of domains which could well make up a sort of geopolitics” ( Foucault, 1977: 77). What is being suggested here, in abstract terms, is that power is deployed through space. In what ways is the deployment of power through space visible in cyberspace? How can it be represented?
The short history of the Internet named some of the authorities and policy makers. The brief look at cyberspace counterculture suggests there are conflicts in the realm of power, skirmishes over whose ideologies, if any, should dominate the information webs. It must be accepted that there are ideological conflicts in cyberspace, and that they are likely to escalate, reflecting the general dynamic of human history. Edward Soja (1989:80) writes “[t]here is no longer a question of . . . a separate structure with rules of construction and transformation that are independent from the wider social frameworkI feel reasonably safe in speculating that economic imperatives will be the prime catalysts to the ongoing construction and transformation of cyberspace, just as economic imperatives are behind many previous social and spatial phenomena. Whether this is a problem depends on one’s point of view. However, I suggest there is an unquestionable problem in having completely inadequate capabilities for reading these transformations. So, while cyberspace grows and changes, geography must discard the inhibition of believing cyberspace to be unrepresentable, and insist on the possibility of mapping relations of power. I am explicitly suggesting that we leave to epistemological debate the question of whether we can know or represent this new realm of power, and simply begin doing so. I acknowledge the risk involved in making mistakes, in failing to produce the perfect spatial representation. In exploring this subject, we are perhaps hacking in the best sense of the word. We are propelling our minds into the unknown, and risking exposure of our shortcomings. This is a necessary risk, for to do otherwise would leave us waiting at our desks for answers. This is a time for field work, for theory, for debate, and for successes and failures. Some academics may well make their careers on these successes, and perhaps some others will criticize, scoff, and devalue the new maps of new spaces, of cyberspaces. Just as the hackers pressed security programmers into rapid development of some of the most sophisticated understandings of computer network systems ever produced, some blend of geographer, communications theorist, surfer, and machine will present new ways of writing the lines of force on the underknown world of cyberspace. The mysterious Ptolemaic map-dragon that dwells beyond the edge of the known world will eventually be slain2 . In the historical long wave, we are thinking a flat earth, and cyberspace is off the edge. There is broad agreement among Jameson, (1984: 89-92), Rose, (1993: 140-141), Soja, (1989: 120), and Haraway, (1991: 150) that we need to make maps of the newly-discovered, newly-created multidimensional spaces, and that to do so we must think differently. The maps could become no more than corporate tools, but coupled with social praxis and some respect for humanity, they might encourage the course of social evolution away from the panoptic dystopias so often predicted.
Adapting for Perception and Praxis
A dilemma is presented here, in the area of how we conceive the maps of cyberspace. Haraway presents an appropriate solution. The dilemma is the need for human agency, social praxis, and those very human emotions, hope and desire on the one hand, and the need for in-depth understanding of computer systems on the other. How can we retain our humanity and think, at least part of the time, like machines? Haraway offers us the notion of the cyborg-mind, but one more human than machine. We often see the cyborg as a science-fiction Frankenstein monster, a destructive, dispassionate reconstruction of a wrecked human body with mechanical parts, on a mission of evil (Darth Vader) or of mindless police enforcement (Robocop). Haraway’s (1991:150-151) cyborg is us: “we are all chimeras, theorized and fabricated hybrids of machine and organism; in short, we are cyborgs.” The cyborg is the basis for material society, and a role, perhaps even a reality, we can adopt in the face of hugely powerful and complex social situations. “The cyborg is oppositional, utopian, and completely without innocence. No longer structured by the polarity between the public and the private, the cyborg defines a polis based partly on revolution of social relations in the oikos, the household. Nature and culture are reworked; the one can no longer be the resource for appropriation or incorporation by the other”. Haraway mentions a problem with cyborgs: “they are illegitimate offspring of militarism and patriarchal capitalism. But illegitimate offspring are often exceedingly unfaithful to their origins.” Suited to be social agents of the computer age, “cyborgs are not reverent . . . They are wary of holism, but needy of connectionwe are them. As these networks increasingly interconnect, we will either be trapped in the dim, inapproriate, dualistic thinking of me/it, self/other, human/machine, or we will adapt to the schizophrenic rush of connectivity, and, drawing from the extended sensoria of our permeable cyberminds, we will internally exercise a flexible accumulation of knowledge, insight, and, especially, of navigation skill. We need not lose our humanity, but it appears that we need to gain these new sensoria to understand this world.
References:
Baier, G., Klein, M. (eds.) 1991. A Chaotic Hierarchy. London: World Scientific.
Barlow, J. P., Berry, W., Kadi, M., Kearney, M., Nader, R. Saige, F., Snaders, S. R., Stuart, R., Rheingold, H. 1995. Cyberhood vs. Neighborhood, in The Utne Reader, March-April, 1995, pp. 52-75. Minneapolis: LENS.
Baudrillard. J. 1983. Simulations . New York: Semiotext(e).
Bennahum, D. S. 1995. Our Brilliant Careers, in Netguide 2(4), April, 1995, pp. 49-56. Manhasset, NY: CMP.
Bourdieu. P. 1994. “Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory of Symbolic Power” in N. B. Dirks et al (eds.) Culture/Power/History: A Reader in Contempoary Social Theory. pp. 155-199. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
Carroll, J. A., Broadhead, R. 1995. The Canadian Internet Handbook. Scarborough, Ontario: Prentice-Hall.
Cox. D., Patterson, R. 1991. The Illuminated Web (map). Reprinted in Harper’s, April, 1995, p. 18. New York: Harper’s.
Dutton, W. H. 1986. Wired Cites. Boston: G. K. Hall & Co.
Foucault, M. 1979. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Vintage.
Foucault, 1977. Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings 1972-1977. C. Gordon (ed.). New York: Pantheon.
Gasser, M. 1992. Security in Distributed Systems, in P. Levaux (ed.) 1992, Recent Technical Developments in Telecommunications. New York: North-Holland.
Gibson, W. 1984. Neuromancer. New York: Ace.
Gleick, J. 1987. Chaos: Making a New Science. New York: Penguin.
Harasim, L. M. 1994. Global Networks: Computers and International Communication. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press.
Haraway, D. J. 1991. Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature. NewYork: Routledge
Harley, J. B. 1988. Maps, Knowledge, and Power, in Cosgrove, D. and Daniels, S. (eds.), The Iconography of Landscape. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Harvey, D. 1989. The Condition of Postmodernity. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Basil Blackwell.
Jameson, F. 1984. Postmodernism, or, The Cultural Logic of Late Captialism. New Left Review, 1984
Johnston, R.J. 1991. Geography and Geographers: Anglo-American Geography Since 1945. New York: Routledge, Chapman, and Hall.
Johnston, R.J., D. Gregory, and, D. M. Smith 1994. The Dictionary of Human Geography. Oxford: Blackwell.
Kauffels, F-J. 1992. Network Management: Problems, Standards, and Strtegies. Don Mills, Ontario: Addison-Wesley.
Krol, E. 1994. The Whole Internet User’s Guide & Catalog. Sebastopol, CA: O’Reilly and Associates.
Lakovic, T. Interview, March, 1995.
Landow, G. P. 1992. Hypertext: The Convergence of Contemporary Critical Theory and Technology. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press
Lewis, G. 1994. Newnes Communications Handbook. Jordan Hill, Oxord: Butterworth-Heinemann.
Levy, S. 1984: Hackers: Heroes of the Computer Revolution. Garden City, NY: Anchor.
Madron, T. W. 1992. Network Secuirty in the 90′s: Issues and Solutions for Managers. Toronto: John Wiley and Sons.
Martin, J. 1981. Telematic Society: A Challenge for Tomorrow. London: Prentice-Hall.
Massey, D. 1994. A Place Called Home, in Space, Place, and Gender. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Mauser, M. Interview, March, 1995.
Nickel, J. W. 1989. Computer Networks and Normative Change, in C. C. Gould (ed.) 1989, The Information Web: Ethical and Social Implications of Computer Networking. London: Westview.
Nicolis, J. S. 1991. Chaos and Information Processing: A Heuristic Outline. London: World Scientific.
Parker, D. B. 1983. Fighting Computer Crime. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.
Pitman, B. Personal Comments. April, 1995.
Purser, M. 1993. Secure Data Networking. Boston: Artech House.
Rose, G. 1993. Feminism and Geography: The Limits of Geographical Knowledge . Minneapolis: University of Minnesota.
Ross, G. Interview, March 1995.
Simon Fraser University Academic Computing Services, 1994. Distributed Computing Facilities.Burnaby, B.C.: Simon Fraser University.
Simon Fraser University Academic Computing Services. Focus. March, 1995
Soja, E. 1989 Postmodern Geographies: The Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory . New Tork: Verso.
Sorkin, M. 1992. Introduction: Variations on a Theme Park, in Sorkin, M. (ed.) 1992, Variations on a Theme Park: The New American City and the End of Public Space. New York: Noonday Press.
Rushkoff, D. 1994. Cyberia. San Francisco: Harper Collins.
Sack, R. D. 1980. Conceptions of Space in Social Thought: A Geographic Perspective. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Shields, R. 1992. Spaces for the Subject of Consumption, in R. Shields (ed.) 1992, Lifestyle Shopping. London: Routledge.
Sterling, B. 1992. The Hacker Crackdown: Law and Disorder on the Electronic Frontier. Toronto: Bantam.
Van Epp, P., Baines, B. 1992. Dropping the Mainframe Without Crushing the Users: Mainframe to Distributed Unix in Nine Months, in LISA VI, October, 1992, pp. 39-54. (Source: SFU Computing Services)
Werlen. B. 1993. Society, Action, and Space: an alternative human geography. London, Routledge.
Ziff-Davis, 1995. The World Wide Web. (map). New York: Ziff-Davis
Posted in Uncategorized